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GOTV - Part 8 - Specific Geographic Sites

by: Grebner

Wed Dec 22, 2010 at 22:59:37 PM EST


Because our GOTV programs lack long-term memory, we tend to treat everybody as if they live in single-family houses.  We phone, knock, leaflet, mail.  When we run into something anomalous - say a college dormitory - we just stub our toes on it.  Then we recover our balance, walk around to the far side of it, and continue sticking our leaflets under the doormats.  We figure  we don't have time or energy to spare on the "exceptions", not realizing that tens of thousands of our best prospects live in "exceptional" situations.  While we devote the bulk of our resources contacting people who are almost unaffected by our reminders, we skip the very people for whom the smallest push would produce the most votes.

 

Grebner :: GOTV - Part 8 - Specific Geographic Sites

This craziness arises from our desire to make GOTV so simple that the same program applies everywhere.  We assume we can divide the world into election precincts, which are spread on a spectrum from highly Republican to purely Democratic.  The simplest idea is that everybody in a given precinct can be treated according to the precinct's voting statistics.  A slightly more advanced approach allows individuals to be added to or deleted from priority lists if we gather additional information about them, say an ID obtained from door-to-door canvassing. 

But when you actually GO to a precinct, you don't discover a vast field of wheat in need of harvesting.  Instead of being uniform, it's a lumpy mess composed of widely varying situations.  A large assisted living facility.  A mobile home park.  A large subdivision of upper-middle-class homes.  A mid-scale condo complex.  The canvassers take their instructions, and do the best they can, but they may have little or no impact on many of the voters who were supposedly "targeted" - they either can't be reached, or the script is inapplicable to them.

It's not that we haven't previously discovered these "lumps" - the problem is we don't have any way to record information for the long term.  To get started we should build and maintain a database, starting with the largest lumps first.  We'll quickly discover various volunteers already know a great deal about these lumps - some of them have been dealing with them informally for years, but without real institutional support.  We ought to collect:

  • Name, type, and location of the facility
  • Number of beds
  • Number of registered voters appearing on the QVF and the number of votes cast in a recent even-year election
  • Information about policies toward political activities including voter registration and absentee application drives
  • Names, contact information, and political sympathies of owners and/or managers
  • Democratic volunteers who are familiar with the facility who can create a continuing link to it and its management
  • Sympathetic residents who - even if they aren't useful as volunteers - can help by "escorting" outsiders past security, or signing necessary paperwork
  • Tactics which have been successfully tried, including details of any required paperwork
We should start with the largest and most politically important facilities.  We can continue to add information until we run out of resources, or until the remaining sites are too small to be worth our attention.  My rough guess - based mainly on my knowledge of Ingham County - is that there are at least 5000 sites in Michigan that are worth our attention.
 
The facilities don't share any specific features, other than NOT being politically equivalent to single-family homes.  Because the residents are generally dependent and not substantial taxpayers, they are generally more Democratically inclined than their neighbors, but they are also generally less likely to vote.  Both of those features make them high priority for GOTV efforts.
 
I'm sure I've overlooked some, but here's the beginning of a list with a few notes:
  • College dorms (worth several articles by themselves)
  • University owned family housing (heavily Democratic, but not many U.S. citizens)
  • College fraternities and sororities (white fraternities are generally hopeless; sororities may be worth a second look)
  • College-town cooperative housing (very small, but very far left)
  • Assisted living facilities (often allow political contacts as part of organized resident activity)
  • Adult foster care (very small facilities, wide range of functional levels)
  • Jails (most residents are eligible to vote but require IMMENSE amounts of effort)
  • Mobile home parks (very low turnout, apolitical but anti-Republican)
  • Security apartments (large target, but very hard to work unless management is helpful)
  • Public housing projects (management in places is subject to political persuasion)
  • Indian reservations (necessary to work with tribal organizations)
  • Military bases (not a major factor in Michigan)
  • Homeless shelters and facilities associated with low-income transients (almost zero turnout in the absence of intervention)
  • Non-secure apartments (generally very low-income and low turnout; management is crucial to gaining residents' trust)
I'm going to resist extending my discussion to non-residential facilities, such as union halls, jobs sites, community college campuses, and so on.  Partly, that's because this posting is already too long.  But it's also because non-residential facilities aren't generally amenable to tactics like canvassing or mail.  The final reason for omitting them is that forty years running GOTV has taught me there are very few tactics that produce measurable benefits when applied to non-residential facilities.

 

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Off Topic (0.00 / 0)
Veering off topic a bit...does anyone know how many total Republican and Democratic votes were cast in-state for this year's midterm?  I'm wanting to see just how well the Republicans drew themselves an advantage in 2000, and see what this year's numbers tell us about upcoming redistricting.

A late response to an off-topic question (0.00 / 0)
Off-topic questions are better than no questions at all, which is what I'd have without yours.

The "official" (and mostly correct) results posted by the Secretary of State show Snyder getting 1.875 million to Bernero's 1.287 million, which means Snyder got 60.1% of the two-party vote - a big win, but not a record.

Looking at the bottom of the ticket, where party plays a much stronger role, the Republican candidates for State Board of Education averaged 1.431 million, compared to the Democratic average of 1.251 million.  That amounts to 53% of the two-party vote - a clear win, but nothing that compares to the Democratic margins in 2006 and 2008.

Note that Bernero got barely more votes the average cast for the Democratic State Board candidates - in fact, he ran behind Liz Bauer, the stronger of the two.

Also note the small difference in the number of ballots cast for the major parties at the top and bottom of the ballot.  83% of the people voting for governor also cast ballots for people they'd never heard of, which indicates the hard partisan tone of this entire election.  The turnout was down from previous gubernatorial elections, but the people who showed up to vote had little interest in straying outside their preferred political parties.  


[ Parent ]
Time (0.00 / 0)
I guess when I get time I'll do it, but I was really wondering how many total votes were cast for state house candidates and then state senate candidates broken down by party to see if the Dems popular vote total was considerably closer to the Republicans than the actual number of seats won/lost.  

I bet the Dem legislative candidates got an average of 46% or 47% (0.00 / 0)
It didn't look to me, as I paged through various results, as if voters split their tickets very much, when the candidates were plausible.  That is, the percentage at the bottom of the ticket was pretty close to the percentage for each party in well-contested up-ballot races.

The only exception was Virg/Rick, where the drama of the primary unfolded in a way that left Rick in a very strong position with ticket-splitters, and Virg in a very week one.

I'll be interested to hear exactly what you find from a detailed analysis, but I'll be surprised if the Dem vote is far from 46% or 47%.


[ Parent ]
From Alan Fox - average Dem legislative race percentages (0.00 / 0)
Alan asked me to pass this along:

In all districts, Repubs got 1,646,000 votes to 1,414,000 for Dems, for a Dem percentage of 46.2%.  In three districts there were no Dem candidates.  Excluding those districts brings the Dem percentage up to 47.3%, although it is safe to say that had there been Dem candidates in all three the statewide Dem percentage would have ended up around 46.5%.


[ Parent ]
Thanks (0.00 / 0)
I was going to do this next month, so it's good someone beat me too it.  Is this for the House, Senate, or both?

I know in the house, Dems won nearly 43% of seats, so I guess the difference between the percentage of seats won and the percentage of votes won wasn't as far apart as I thought it'd be.


[ Parent ]
This is just the House. (0.00 / 0)
I bet the Senate is the same within 1%.  As I said, the one thing that was remarkable was how very hard it was to run very far from party baseline.  My sense is that all over the U.S., the typical difference between a candidate's showing and party baseline was only about 60% as large as normal.  In other words, the electorate is becoming increasingly polarized and unforgiving.

[ Parent ]
State Senate numbers (0.00 / 0)
Also from Alan Fox:

Republicans  1,689,000
Democrats    1,405,000 (45.4%)


[ Parent ]
Thanks, again. (0.00 / 0)
This is a bit more extreme.  Dems won only about 22% of the seats in the Senate despite winning 45% of the vote.

BTW, I've been meaning to ask, does anyone know why each house of the legislature has the number of seats it has, and why the state senate is done by population (like the house), but with larger districts?  That seems like an unnecessary redundancy.  If you're going to have an upper house, at all, it'd seem you'd do it by county.


[ Parent ]
Once upon a time.... (0.00 / 0)
... most upper houses of state legislatures were apportioned by county or similar units of government. But then the big bad wolf, in the form of the U.S. Supreme Court, ruled that (with the sole exception of the U.S. Senate) all legislative bodies had to be drawn to represent population.  There were a number of subsequent cases that sorted out the exact details and limits, but the fundamental case was Baker v. Carr, 369 U. S. 186 (1962).

[ Parent ]
At the risk of starting a legal seminar... (4.00 / 1)
I should clarify (before somebody corrects me) that technically, Baker v. Carr only declared that the question of fair representation in the state legislature was "justiciable", which is to say, that it was a matter the Federal Courts could consider.

The second shoe dropped two years later, in Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 53 (1964).


[ Parent ]

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