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How to Recall the Governor

by: Grebner

Sun Aug 21, 2011 at 14:57:22 PM EDT


There's a long joke about a bunch of academics shipwrecked on a barren island.  To skip the body of the story, the punchline has the economist declare that he's found a simple solution to their predicament: "First, I assume a boat...."

I know how to collect enough signatures to place a statewide recall question on the ballot:  "First, assume someone gives us $10,000,000..."

If anyone is interested in the details, here they are.  

Grebner :: How to Recall the Governor

I've been involved in quite a number of recall campaigns - on both offense and defense - and I've seen what works and what doesn't.  As I've argued previously, because of the requirement to collect the signatures of such a large fraction of the voting population, recall campaigns are fundamentally different from other petition drives.

For a recall to be successful, it's necessary to have close supervision over the circulation of the petitions and immediate feedback about problems to the circulators.  The first thing a statewide recall campaign would need would be office space where the blank petitions would be stored, handed out, returned when filled out, and checked.  Imagine maps taped to the walls, computers with data entry workers searching and flagging the names of signers, a separate area for training, and waiting areas for drivers and circulators.  Maybe there'd be seven locations statewide, of varying sizes.  Cheap, used furniture, with some basic amenities like coffee and restrooms.

Second, because so many people would be on payroll (often for small amounts) it would be necessary to have employment forms and somebody to hand them out, check them, and file them.  Payroll would probably be handled by a contract firm, in order to minimize the problems associated with cash-handling. 

Third, because each petition would be checked within 24 hours of being turned in, there would be about 25 data entry stations scattered among the headquarters, each with one or two assigned workers.  Data entry workers would earn varying amounts depending on their productivity, but would each cost close to $1000 per week including fringes.

Fourth, because of the substantial data processing infrastructure needed, and because of likely security threats, there would be a small MIS staff - maybe 5 total - who would handle setup, data manipulation, backup, trouble-shooting, and training the data entry staff.  These folks will be fairly highly paid.

Fifth, there would be large number of people dealing full-time with the circulators:  people to train newbies, to assign circulators to locations and times, to assemble groups of circulators and drivers, to record who has been assigned where and when, to answer questions that arise in the field, to check over the petitions and other materials when people return, and to record what areas have been completed.  I would imagine at least 50 full time equivalents statewide, a mix of volunteers and low-paid staff.

Sixth, it would of course be necessary to print petitions; buy clipboards, pens, file folders, plastic bins and dozens of other minor office supplies; supply plastic rain ponchos and umbrellas, buy or print tens of thousands of maps, and so on. 

Seventh would be the central management of the campaign, responsible for controlling the money, handling press relations, dealing with legal problems, and - most important - making daily tactical decisions in response to events. 

These first seven requirements could be called "overhead", and would probably cost $1.5 to $2 million over the course of a 90-day drive. But the largest expenses would be the final three:

Eighth would be paying wages and mileage to an army of driver/supervisors.  As PPC has discovered, most of the people who are available to circulate petitions simply don't have reliable transportation, and many of them don't know their way around the region.  On the other hand, there are lots of people who are willing to drive (and even supervise others) who don't care to knock on doors themselves. The advent of ubiquitous cellphones has made it feasible to send out small teams of canvassers, each under the supervision of the driver who actually brings the forms back to headquarters at the end of each shift.  Depending on circumstances, some of the drivers also canvass part-time.

Ninth, and largest, are the wages of the canvassers themselves.  I envision starting at $1/signature (or minimum wage) for the first few weeks, and then gradually escalating the pay to $2, $3 or possibly even $5 by the end.  There are several reasons for the escalating pay, but basically it will be easier to collect signatures at the beginning and it will get progressively more difficult as the drive goes on, both because so many people will have been previously approached and because canvassing will move to less and less productive territory.  The actual cost per signature will be about 30% higher than the nominal cost, given various employer payroll costs.

Tenth, will be payments to people collecting signatures at random, rather than door-to-door.  In general, we'll try to cover events such as high school football games or farmers markets using volunteers.  But as the drive wears on, and it becomes clear where volunteers are insufficient to cover targeted events, it may be necessary to begin paying.  

If everything goes well - which would be a surprise in a recall campaign - the total cost to collect 900,000 valid signatures would be about $6 million. The most important assumptions behind that estimate are that 1) 60% of people approached would be willing to sign, and 2) that unpaid volunteers would collect 250,000 valid signatures.  If public resistance is higher than I expect, or volunteer enthusiasm weaker, the only solution with which I'm familiar is the one I call "Plan B", which is to bump the going rate by $1.

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In other words, it's about like running a fall campaign. (4.00 / 1)
You have the same tasks as involved in a GOTV operation, only with demonstrable, measurable outcomes, rather than "X pieces of literature dropped" (dropped, yes, but who knows where?)

A number of times we've had paid canvassers for GOTV in Kalamazoo County; after the last time in 2010, I swore that I would never be involved in another such fiasco ever again. The only measurable effect it had was a slight stimulus to the local economy from the wages paid.

Now, of the above roles, I've worked (in campaigns, not recalls) as (9) canvasser, (8) driver/supervisor, (5) office organizer, (4) MIS (although not at a state-wide level), (3) data entry. All of these were volunteer on my part, but I get where the stress points are.

I think you could do it for maybe $4-$5 mil, using more volunteer labor, IF the party and unions (assuming an R being recalled) were fully on board. And this would likely be the case, IF your first assumption -- that the official is unpopular enough that 60% of solicited voters are willing to sign -- were true. That condition would entail a highly motivated party and auxiliaries eager to get on the bandwagon.

That is my no means the case for the Snyder recall. My direct observation suggests the compliant fraction is more in the 30-35% range. Which, if true, given the fraction to be collected, makes the task virtually impossible - regardless of how much imaginary money our team started out with.


Paid canvassers (0.00 / 0)
We had paid canvassers for the transit millage in GR - and the millage passed by 136 votes out of 34,000. I don't know how many canvassers there were, but suffice it to say there were quite a few. Did it make the difference? I haven't seen the evidence, but it would seem that it at least helped.

Perhaps it's different from election to election. Last year, not much could've stopped the drought of Democratic voters. As both of you (Grebner and Miller) have mentioned, there have been a lot of flaws in the way GOTV has been run up to this point. In particular, GOTV efforts often reach out to those who would not be swayed by such efforts, while those who would be swayed do not hear from us.

Perhaps it would be wise to adjust the strategy.

Great Lakes, Great Times, Great Scott


[ Parent ]
I think we could get 60% to sign a Snyder recall petition (4.00 / 1)
That's based on some polling we did in HD51, which showed Paul Scott only slightly more unpopular than Snyder.  Canvassers in that district were able to get slightly over 50% to sign Paul Scott petitions.  Finally, HD51 is considerably more Republican than the state as a whole, so we should be able to get better percentages than we did against Scott.

Maybe 60% is too high, but I'd be pretty confident of exceeding 50%.

Keep in mind that with hundreds of canvassers in the field, there's a Darwinian selection process for the best opening lines.  The pitch that get the most signatures - even if it's of dubious honesty - spread quickly among the staff.  Over time, the best canvassers are the ones that continue, since they're the ones who actually earn decent money.  Their pitches gradually evolve to match each situation that arises.

I'm told that by the end in HD51, one of the most effective tacks was for the canvasser to explain that he hadn't been able to find a real job, and that this gig paid $3 per signature - so if everybody at this address signed, he'd make enough to buy his kid's diapers.  HD51 wasn't very friendly territory, but the number of signatures gathered - in exactly 14 days - was 2000 more than needed.


[ Parent ]
Yikes! (0.00 / 0)
...the canvasser to explain that he hadn't been able to find a real job, and that this gig paid $3 per signature - so if everybody at this address signed, he'd make enough to buy his kid's diapers.

Well, well... democracy in action.


[ Parent ]
Bottom Line Numbers for Recall of Snyder (0.00 / 0)
I read Grebner's comment and explanation of earlier comment with respect and interest.  I just have to take issue with his pessimism.  Based on the numbers, recall petition gatherers must obtain 806,522 signatures.  This is about 11.1% of the total registered voters as of July 2011 and 10.6% of the voting age population as of 2010.  While the goal may be difficult, it is not out of reach if one counts those who typically do not vote.

The recall petition drive may seem quixotic.  But this is not a valid reason for not signing and supporting it.  What is politics without ideals, a brokering of only what is probable.  In a democratic system that has inherent bias for leeping things as they are. the probable should never preclude the possible.  Ideals and dreams collide with realities in everyday politics.  But is is never a reason for not nurturing or possessing ideals and dreams of what could be.


A lot of those "non-voting registered voters" don't exist. (0.00 / 0)
Michigan's voter rolls typically have about the same number of names as the total adult population of the state.  Roughly 3 million of those records are duplicate or reflect people who have moved or died.  There are really about 5.2 million people registered to vote at the address at which they currently reside.  So 800,000 is 15% of that total.  

Let's guess half of those approached will decline to sign, and half of the ones who would be willing to sign won't appear at any public gathering which your circulators are able to cover. If 10% of the signatures you collect are bad because of circulator error or wrong township/city, and 10% more are duplicates, it would mean you basically need to collect every possible signature from everybody at every event.  And that means that by the end, 80% of the people you approach will have previously signed, or previously refused.  Good luck!


[ Parent ]
Is the QVF of poor quality? (0.00 / 0)
The QVF replaces the old voter registration rolls.  In my experience of worling elections, I have observed improvements in accuracy.  The 15% cited by Grebner seems high but I have not had a firm that seeks to validate the QVF and enhance it for lists like Practical Political Consultants.

More than any other issue, the recall drive suffers from poor management in giving feedback to circulators.  I receive plenty of emails asking me to show up at large people events but there is never any feedback on the number of signatures obtained so far except when there was a renewal of the drive with a new start date of July 1.  While I have confined myself to my neighborhood and social circles for circulation, the efficacy of big events for signature productivity may explain the strict scrutiny that apply to instructions for such circulators and all others.

I have found that leaders are convinced that minor glitches will disqualify signatures and petitions.  The only evidence for this fear has been the new format for petitions that requires separate sheets for each municipality from the S of S.

I have found that people conflate signing the petition with disapproving of Snyder as a person instead of using it just to express dissatisfaction with his policies.  One signer heard of Snyder's record of support Ellie's place and is related to the founders.  This personl will not sign because the founders have been asking people not to do so.  Another person who is an advocate for the poor will not sign because of the fear that there be a loss of influence with the Snyder administration.  Many are convinced that the GOP scrutinizes the petition for their signatures.  I have found this to be the case for state executives.  If the target number is not reached it will be due to these people who would sign but do not because of a variety of political reasons.

Missing the first target date will also undercut the recall drive since there is a sense of failure emanating from the earlier effort.

It will not be easy to achieve success but the effort is worth it for the sake of the ideals that empower our politics.


[ Parent ]

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